ગુજરાતી
English
Politics of Gujarat from the first Chief Minister till today
VIKRAM MEHATA
(Google translation from Gujarati, see Gujarati on controversy)
If we roam around the corridors of Gujarat politics, we see a lot of interesting things happening here. Jivraj Mehta is taking oath as the first Chief Minister here. Here a front has been opened against Ghanshyam Ojha in ‘Panchvati Farm’. Here Chimanbhai Patel is sweating over the ‘reconstruction’ of the state. Here Babubhai Jashbhai Patel is seen travelling in a government bus holding a bag in one hand. Here Madhavsinh Solanki is calculating the ‘Kham Theory’ under his thick glasses. Here, Shankar Singh slaps Keshubhai with a date palm. Here Narendra Modi’s impudent speeches are heard. Here one day Anandiben Patel’s resignation can be read on the Facebook wall. Here Rupani is suddenly leaving the post of Chief Minister and removing the red light from the government vehicle. There are such twists and turns here that fill the excitement. Such are the manoeuvres that topple the power. Spicy political content that turns into a cult political thriller web series, which the youth of today’s OTT culture is crazy about, is pervading the corridors of Gujarat politics.
‘Why do you ask me?’ Ask those who have decided this!’ was Jawaharlal Nehru’s reply when journalists in Delhi asked him about the by-elections held in Gujarat. Balwantrai Mehta was brought to the assembly through a by-election. From the Sehore seat of Bhavnagar district. Congress MLA Bhogilal Lalani resigned and vacated the special seat. Balwantrai Mehta contested from this seat and won. The year was 1963.
This was the whole ‘table turn’ game. The game played to topple the first government of independent Gujarat. The mastermind behind this entire battle to remove Jivraj Mehta and put Balwantrai Mehta on the throne of Gujarat was: Morarji Desai. Jawaharlal Nehru’s hint was towards Morarji Desai.
Flashback… After independence, Congress got a huge majority in the first assembly elections of 1952 under the new constitution formed in the country. Gujarat was then attached to Mumbai state. Saurashtra and Kutch were separate units. Congress won 141 out of 157 seats in Gujarat. The same massive victory in the Lok Sabha elections. Out of the total 20 seats in Gujarat, 18 seats went to the Congress.
Saurashtra Legislative Assembly has been running since 1952 and Jam Saheb was the Speaker of Saurashtra and Ushrangrai Dhebar was the Chief Minister. In 1956, Maharashtra became a large bilingual state of Gujarat. In the 1957 elections, Congress won 17 out of 22 Lok Sabha seats and 101 out of 133 assembly seats.
On May 1, 1960, a separate state of Gujarat was established by dividing the Mahabilingual Mumbai State. From May 1, 1960 to March 8, 1962, Dr. Amreli. Jivraj Mehta remained in power as the Chief Minister of Gujarat. Internal revolt in Congress had started in 1960 itself. From the year 1960, two factions were formed in Congress. One group was of Dr. Jivraj Mehta, the other group was of Thakorbhai Desai. As soon as the regional governance came in hand, internal revolt started in Congress. After the ‘Kamaraj Plan’ came, Jivraj started opening a front against Mehta.
Now what was this ‘Kamaraj Plan’? Famous freedom fighter, politician and second Chief Minister of Madras, Tamil Nadu K. Kamaraj saw in the sixties that the position of Congress was weakening. He suggested senior Congress leaders to resign from government posts and join the organization, which would infuse new energy in the weakened Congress and strengthen the party. Accepting the suggestion of K. Kamaraj, leaders like Lal Bahadur Shastri, Jagjivan Ram, Morarji Desai, Saduba Patil resigned and joined the organization. This plan is known as Kamaraj Plan in Indian politics. It is being told that due to this plan, K. Kamaraj’s weight increased in the Centre. After Nehru’s death, Lal Bahadur Shastri and Indira were given the PM post. They were made PMs. Kamaraj played the role of kingmaker.
‘Congressmen left power in 10 years’ Now.. Congress’s national conference was held in Bhavnagar. Veteran Congressmen like Jawaharlal Nehru and Morarji Desai were also present in it. President Neelam Sanjiva Reddy said that those who have been in power for 10 years should voluntarily leave their posts and start working for the organization. The Central Election Committee was also considering the decision to merge one-third of MLAs and MPs in the organization. In Gujarat too, the sharp reaction was natural when the rule of ten years was implemented. 40 Congressmen got into trouble. 18 people applied. Morarji Desai asked them to withdraw their application forms. Ten Congressmen withdrew their letters, but eight Congressmen including Jivraaj Mehta decided to contest the elections instead of joining the organization. After meeting Ratubhai Adani and Rasiklal Parikh, Morarji Desai said, ‘If this rule is not followed unanimously, I will not be active in Gujarat elections.’ He approved Jivraj’s nomination papers and assured that no one’s application will be rejected under the ten-year rule.
The first election year of independent Gujarat came in 1962. Winter had gone and the heat of March had started in the atmosphere. Gujarat’s politics also got heated up. The first election of the independent state of Gujarat was about to be held. The names of Thakorbhai Desai and Balwantrai Mehta were being discussed loudly as the new Chief Minister. Now this time Jivraj Mehta will be out of the race.
There is a lot of speculation among Congress workers
According to Morarji Desai’s autobiography, when Jivraaj Mehta became the Chief Minister in 1960, he suggested that he should remain the Chief Minister till the 1962 elections.
Congress was on one side in the election battle. In opposition to Nehru’s leftist ideology, Bhaikaka, Kanaiyalal Munshi’s right-wing Swatantra Party, Samajwadi Party and Indulal Yagnik’s leftist front were in the fray. It was a fierce battle.
A bank clerk was not allowed to become CM! Finally the election battle. The crown of victory was again on the head of Congress. The Congress party won 113 seats out of a total of 154 seats. The opposition was allotted 41 seats. Since the Congress party was in majority, it was believed that it would form the government, but the biggest loss was that the names discussed for the Chief Minister lost in this election. Thakorbhai Desai lost from Gandevi seat. Balwantrai Mehta lost from Bhavnagar seat. Balwantrayan was defeated by a new young bank clerk from Bhavnagar! His name is Pratap Shah. There was no way left. The opposition faction had to accept Jivraj Mehta as the Chief Minister. Apart from nine Deputy Chief Ministers, Dr. Mehta’s cabinet ministers were Rasiklal Parikh, Ratubhai Adani, Hitendra Desai, Vijaykumar Trivedi, Utsavbhai Parikh, Mohanlal Vyas. Bhaikaka won from the Independent Party on Sami’s side and became the first opposition leader of the assembly!
Now due to internal opposition, Jivraj Mehta’s government was formed, but then internal differences started between the organization and the government. Congress leaders insisted that Jivrajbhai should drink water after asking them about the state. If Gujarat Congress is in office, it will criticize Jivrajbhai cabinet.
Dr. The fire of discontent The Congress high command accused Rasikbhai Parikh and Ratubhai Adani of being behind the defeat of Thakorbhai Desai, Balvantrai Mehta and Babubhai Jashbhai Patel by the anti-Mehta faction. Dr. Mehta’s anti-Mehta faction expressed displeasure over the rule of Rasikbhai Parikh and Ratubhai Adani. This was the first step to remove Jivraj Mehta by informing two staunch associates of Jivraj Mehta. Dr. Mehta’s anti-Mehta group was ready to accept them only if Dr. Mehta should dismiss these two ministers from the government. Naturally, Jivraj Mehta would not agree to this. The MLAs went to Delhi and accused Rasikbhai Parikh and Ratubhai of factionalism in front of the high command. When Dr. Mehta refused to remove these two ministers, Jivraj accused Mehta of protecting these two ministers.
Most of the Congress MLAs were dissatisfied with Jivraj Mehta. The anti-Mehta faction went to Delhi and presented the letter signed by these dissidents before the high command. The situation became such that the high command itself sent the then Congress President Neelam Sanjeev Reddy to Ahmedabad. About 90-95 MLAs of the Jivraj Mehta cabinet expressed dissatisfaction and asked for a change in the cabinet.
Dr. Jivraj Mehta: Gujarat’s most educated CM finally did the same. Dr. Jivraj Narayan Mehta resigned on 19 September 1963. Jivraj Mehta’s government fell. Jivraj Mehta is a famous character in Gujarat politics. Jivraj Mehta was closely associated with Gandhiji, served a prison sentence for joining the Hindu Quit Movement of 1942, also served as the Chief Medical Officer of Maharaja Sayajirao Gaekwad III in Vadodara, was also the Finance Minister of Mumbai State from 1952-60… Unfortunately the government of such a talented politician collapsed due to internal strife. Jawaharlal Nehru was distraught. Dr. Jivraj Mehta was then appointed British High Commissioner.
If we look at the achievements of Jivraj Mehta’s reign, Gujarat took steps towards industrial development. Panchayati Raj was established, Gujarat State Fertilizer Company was formed, Ankleshwar oil field was discovered. The way was paved for the establishment of petrochemical industry during the rule of Jivraj Mehta. Progressive decisions like agricultural land and constitutional reforms were also taken.
Hansaben ‘The Great’ Mehta has a slightly strange but interesting story. Hansaben Mehta is the wife of Jivraj Mehta. Social reformer, social worker, freedom fighter, educationist, freedom fighter and writer. His father Manubhai Mehta served as the Diwan of Vadodara and then Bikaner State. In Vadodara from 1916 to 1927 and in Bikaner from 1927 to 1934. Nagar Brahmin by birth, Hansab wrote many books in Gujarati for children, including books translated from English like Gulliver’s Travels.
In 1926, she was elected to the Bombay School Committee and became the President of the All India Women’s Conference. From 1945 to 1960, he held various positions including Vice Chancellor of SNDT Women’s University, Member of All India Board of Secondary Education, Chairman of Inter University Board of India and Vice Chancellor of Maharaja Sayajirao University. Nandshankar Tuljashankar Mehta, who gave Gujarat its first novel ‘Karanghelo’, may be Hansaben’s grandfather!
Pakistan shoots down Gujarat CM’s plane, now coming to the main track. Balwantrai Mehta took oath as the second Chief Minister of Gujarat after the resignation of Dr. Jivraaj Mehta. This was the last chapter of the plan to turn the tables from the by-election of Sehore in Bhavnagar district. Balwantrai Mehta is originally from Bhavnagar. During the 1965 Indo-Pak war, he was killed in a plane accident with his wife Sarojbahen.
After the death of Balwantrai Mehta in the incident, Hitendra Desai, who was the Home Minister in the Balwantrai government, took oath as the third Chief Minister of Gujarat. His father Kanai Lal Desai was the President of the Gujarat Pradesh Congress Committee for many years. Kanjik
Aaka’s nickname. In the year 1966, Hitendra Desai worked to strengthen the base of Congress in the state.
Lok Sabha-Assembly elections are simultaneously affecting the national trends, which is also affecting the political trends of that state. In 1966, Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri, who went to Tashkent, Russia for mutual talks with Pak President Ayub Khan, died under mysterious circumstances. The Congress Movement started the selection process for the third Prime Minister. Morarji Desai presented his candidature for the post of Prime Minister, citing his experience and seniority. Indira Gandhi was the choice of the Congress Movement. From here the separate choco of Morarji Desai and Indira Gandhi started. The Congress Party held elections for its leader. Indira Gandhi got 355 votes and Morarji Desai got 169 votes. Mrs. Indira Gandhi’s government came into power at the Centre in 1966.
A year later, in 1967, Lok Sabha and Assembly elections were held. This is the last event where Lok Sabha and state elections were held simultaneously. It is natural that Lok Sabha and Assembly elections cannot be held simultaneously because some states’ assemblies are dissolved before five years. Out of the total 168 seats in the Gujarat Assembly, Congress won 93 seats and Swatantra Party won 66, Praja Samajwadi Party won 3, Janata Party won 2, Jan Sangh won 1 and Apeksha won 3 seats. Congress also got a very small majority in the Lok Sabha. There was turmoil in the Congress party. Due to this effect, Hitendra Desai’s government came back to power. A 15-member cabinet was formed, which included nine ministers and six deputy ministers.
Defection activity increased after the 1967 elections. In 1969, due to the increased activity of ‘Aayaram-Gayaram’, the number of Gujarat Congress Party increased to 101 and the number of Swatantra Party to 55.
Sanket vs Syndicate The period of 1967-1969 was difficult for Indira. Differences within the Congress Party deepened. In July 1969, the internal differences of the Congress Party came to the fore in the Congress Grand Committee meeting in Bangalore. On the issue of nationalization of banks and privatization of princely states, a section of the Congress was against Indira. Opposition arose within the Congress itself. Ultimately, what was expected happened. In 1969, the Congress was divided into two parts – ‘Indicate’ and ‘Syndicate’. One faction of Indira which was known as Congress and Ruling Congress- Indicate, the other faction of Morarji Desai which was known as Syndicate- Sanstha Congress. Instead of the unbroken election symbol of Congress, two bulls, the election symbol of the ruling Congress became a hand and the symbol of the Sanstha Congress remained a woman spinning a charkha. The Syndicate had strong leaders like Sadoba Patil, Neelam Sanjeev Reddy, then Congress President Nijalingappa. The Syndicate’s desire to remove Indira Gandhi from the PM’s chair was also true. VV Giri of Indira Congress won the 1969 Presidential election against Neelam Sanjeev Reddy of the Syndicate. Considering Indira as a ‘dumb doll’, the Syndicate took a legitimate step to judge Indira.
President’s rule was imposed in Gujarat for the first time, what was the political scenario of Gujarat now? Hitendra Desai, who was on the throne of Gujarat, remained a Congress supporter. But the ministers of his party were supporters of the ruling Congress. Kantilal Ghiya, Ratubhai Adani, Chimanbhai Patel left the Organisation Congress and joined the ruling Congress like ‘Nem Sau Ugta Suryane’. Later, Ghanshyam Ojha, who took over power in Gujarat, also joined this trend and joined the ruling Congress. The Organisation Congress also started crumbling rapidly. The entire Maharashtra Congress merged with the ruling Congress. If this had happened in Gujarat, the picture would have been different. But that did not happen. Hitendra Desai decided to join the ruling Congress but very late. At first Hitendra Desai was not ready. What was the result? Due to MLAs joining the ruling Congress, the Hitendra Desai government came into minority. He had to resign. The ruling Congress claimed to form the government. Chimanbhai Patel and Indubhai Patel were both taking signatures to bring Congress MLAs to the ruling Congress. The Governor’s verification showed a majority in Hitendra Desai’s favour. Hitendra Desai came back to power. However, this government did not last long. Chimanbhai became the leader of the opposition and in just 34 days Hitendra Desai’s government came to power… President’s rule. President’s rule was imposed for the first time in Gujarat. The period was: 13-5-1971 to 17-3-1972.
Hitendra Desai’s time can be divided into two parts. He was the Chief Minister from September 1965 to May 1971. Of these, the four-year period from 65 to 69 was the first half and the period from 1969-1971 was the second half. With a combination of firmness and flexibility, Hitendra Desai maintained a strong balance between the ruling party and the opposition, but the communal riots that took place during his tenure in September 1969 proved to be a black hole for his government. The foundation of Hitendra Desai’s government weakened in the fire of this communal riot. The Congress organization weakened..
Despite the clear refusal of Morarji Desai, the then
Hitendra Desai inducted Chimanbhai Patel into the cabinet at the behest of Panchayat Minister Thakorbhai Desai. Little did he know that Chimanbhai would later become the mastermind behind breaking his government.
Panchvati Frame
The place of ‘Panchvati Farm’ is a little far from Gandhinagar. The camp of disgruntled MLAs has opened. On the other hand, another camp has opened at the Gandhinagar bungalow of Pradhan. Face to face
Arrangements for camps have been made. The conspiracy to topple Ghanshyam Ojha’s government is taking shape… Many political analysts consider Mandya as the symbol of ‘resort politics’ in political history. Why is the game of toppling Ghanshyam Ojha’s government being played? Who is the mastermind behind this?
Hitendra Desai’s government fell. Then came the 1972 elections. If we look at the results, out of 168 seats, 139 seats were won by ‘Indicate’ i.e. ruling Congress, 16 seats by Institutional Congress, 3 seats by Jan Sangh, 1 by Communist Party, 8 seats by independents. These factors turned the wind towards Congress. This was the first government of Indicate Congress (ruling Congress) in Gujarat. The question of who should be chosen as the leader of the Assembly Congress Party was difficult for Movdi Mandal. The tug-of-war over the post of Chief Minister has started. The decision was left to Indiraji. Chimanbhai Patel’s sharp protest that the decision of the leader should be taken not by Delhi but by the MLAs of Gujarat, but Chimanbhai did not get any result. He lashed out at the Home Minister of the state Ghanshyam Ojha at the Center.
Ratubhai Adani was one of Ghanshyam Ojha’s government. An experienced royalist. Extensive experience in administration. The former served as a minister in various departments in three states Saurashtra, Maha Bilingual State and Gujarat State. An indomitable player of politics, outspoken speaker and ambitions beyond the reach of a Chief Minister.. Ratubhai was entrusted with the agriculture account.
Kantilal Ghia. An experienced and seasoned leader of the cooperative sector. An Indira supporter. He was associated with the ruling Congress from the beginning. After the fall of Hitendra Desai’s government, Kantilal Ghia’s name was being discussed in political circles as the Chief Minister. But Kantilal Ghia, who had the image of a naive politician, was not destined to become the Chief Minister! The money account came into the hands of Kantilal Ghia.
Chimanbhai Patel. Started as a student leader in the Congress party. In 1967, he was first appointed as the Minister of Transport and Culture in Hitendra Desai’s cabinet. Morarji Desai did not like Chimanbhai. Ambitious. Ever since Shashak joined the ruling Congress, he had his eyes on the Chief Minister’s chair, but instead of the Chief Minister’s post, Chimanbhai got the Industry and Power Department. All three characters were playing for the unfilled post of Chief Minister. They were waiting for an opportunity…
The government of Ghanshyam Ojha was moving in this direction. A shadowy personality, Ghanshyam Ojha took important administrative steps like free secondary education, exemption from revenue to small farmers, formation of Rural Housing Board, creation of Urban Land Ceiling Act. Of course, among these measures, free secondary education and urban land ceiling law were considered hasty steps. Private schools burdened the government treasury and the ceiling on urban land prevented new construction.
Factions of dissent in CongressDuring Ghanshyambhai’s government, two factions were formed in the ruling Congress. Ratubhai Adani resigned from the post of Congress President after being elected MLA. Jinabhai Darji came to the post of President. In future, Aghbola Jinabhai was to play an important role in formulating Madhav Singh’s ‘Kham Theory’. On one side was the group of Jinabhai-Ratubhai-Sanat Mehta and on the other side was the group of Kantilal Ghiya and Chimanbhai. Due to the nature of Jinabhai, Ratubhai Adani vs. Jhinabhai also happened then. On the insistence of Jinabhai, Ghanshyambhai removed Chimanbhai Patel from the business. Hey, he also took the account of the industry. As our writer ‘Dhumketu’ says in his famous classic story ‘Vinipat’, when everything falls, everything falls.
The fire of discontent was already burning in the party. An incident named ‘Chapatik Chevda’ happened in the politics of that time. The then collector raided a lunch of the district panchayat in Surendranagar. When action was taken against the district panchayat president under the existing Guest Control Act, the Congressmen were shocked. They went to Ghanshyambhai. Demanded action against the collector. But Ghanshyambhai did not intervene. The Congressmen were in opposition. Fuel was added to the fire of discontent.
The conflict between the factions of Congress was intensifying. Loyalty to the individual rather than the party was the norm. The MLAs who did not get a place in the cabinet still hoped for a ministerial post. This hope led them to the Kantilal Ghia-Chimanbhai Patel group. The Patel-Ghia group gathered all the MLAs at Panchvati Farm. The ruling faction kept its MLAs in Gandhinagar.
The Chimanbhai Patel Patel-Ghia group claimed majority. Out of a total of 139 MLAs, 70 expressed no confidence in Ojha’s cabinet. Five Congress MPs were made observers and signatures of 70 MLAs were taken. The signed papers were sent to Delhi. When Ghanshyam Ojha came to know, he went to Delhi and discussed the matter before the Mowdi Mandal. But most of the MLAs were against Ojha. Knowing that there was no point in taking a vote of confidence, Ghanshyam Ojha submitted his resignation to Umashankar Dixit. Umashankar Dixit Delhi
Late Chief Minister of Gujarat. Father-in-law of Sheila Dikshit. Many political analysts believe that if Ojha had dared to take the trust vote, he would have got the majority even by one vote!
But politics is a part of history and history is always written between ifs and buts! Another cabinet of Gujarat fell. The conflict between Ratubhai and Chimanbhai played a major role in this. Ojha government fell. Now two names were again face to face to form a new government. Those two names are Kantilal Ghia and Chimanbhai Patel!
Politics is on the spot
This is a game of killing someone. Kantilal Ghia’s displeasure benefited the hold of Adani-Darji Group in politics. Adani-Darji Group even accepted Kantilal Ghia as their group leader! Secret donation for leadership in Congress. Chimanbhai got 74 votes and Kantilal Ghia got 64 votes. The Governor invited Chimanbhai to form the government and the youngest Chief Minister, 44-year-old Chimanbhai Jivabhai Patel, took over as the fifth Chief Minister of Gujarat.
In the initial phase, the performance of the Chimanbhai Patel government had a positive impact. But the mutual attraction was not over yet. The Adani-Darji group was hell-bent on overthrowing Chimanbhai’s government. Many MLAs in Patel’s cabinet were unhappy with their accounts. There was no unity in the cabinet. The Ghiya-Patel conflict was increasing. The opportunity that the Adani-Darji group was waiting for to topple Chimanbhai’s government was coming. What Chimanbhai did to Ghanshyam Ojha was on the verge of happening to him as well.
The fire of ‘Navnirman Movement’ It was in this environment that an important chapter in the political history of Gujarat, the ‘Navnirman Movement’, took shape. The mess bill of the students of the hostel of Lakhdhirsinghji Engineering College located in Morbi town of Rajkot district was increased. The students went on strike. After Morbi, L. of Ahmedabad went on strike. D. Engineering college students also joined the strike. Suddenly the movement took a violent turn. ‘Navnirman Samiti’ was formed. The fire of student movement had spread all over Gujarat. Stone pelting, firing, arson, looting…
Jai Prakash Narayan came to Ahmedabad. Addressed a public meeting and gave momentum to this movement by calling it a total revolution. Chimanbhai’s initial opinion on the student movement was now proving to be a big wrong step. Chimanbhai’s name was pulled up in Gujarat. This was the first time that a Chief Minister was being opposed at such a low level. Curfew was imposed in Ahmedabad city. The city was handed over to the army.
In this tense situation, in early February 1974, four ministers of the Patel cabinet prepared a charge sheet of corruption against Patel. Now there was no saw. Ignoring the advice of power hungry ministers, Chimanbhai Patel finally resigned from the post of Chief Minister on February 9, 1974. On March 15, 1974, the Gujarat Assembly was suspended. The Congress Movement suspended Chimanbhai Patel from the Congress party for six years. In the last years of 1956, the leadership of the Maha Gujarat movement came to Gujarat. There were many prominent ministers but no special leadership for the future came from the Navnirman movement.
The emergency affected Babubhai Patel’s government. In the 1975 Gujarat Assembly elections, 86 members of the Janata Morcha were elected. On 18 June 1975, Babubhai Jashbhai Patel became the sixth Chief Minister of Gujarat. Exactly a week later, on 25 June 1975, Indira Gandhi imposed an emergency and a dark chapter began in the country’s politics. The freedom of print media was attacked. Indira Gandhi’s opponents were put in jail. The law passed was known as ‘MISA’ i.e. ‘Maintenance of Internal Security Act’. Even amidst the chaos of the crisis, Babubhai Patel ran the state government till March 1976. Indiraji had her eyes on the Janata Morcha government in Gujarat. Babubhai’s Janata Morcha government, which was in power in Gujarat, was troubling Indira. Eventually Chimanbhai Patel’s ‘Kimalop’ (Kisan Mazdoor Lok Paksha) got support and Chimanbhai withdrew his support from Babubhai’s government. The defection also started from Babubhai’s Janata Morcha. In those times the necessities of life are easily available. Sugar Rs. 4.40 per kg, oil Rs. 8.50…Ration card collection increased. Still the debate on the civil supplies demand was lost in the budget session in the assembly. Voting took place on 12 March 1976. Babubhai’s government got 29 votes, the opposition including Congress got 87 votes. Babubhai’s government fell. The same day Babubhai resigned from the cabinet.
The Babubhai government fell. The assembly was acquitted. Let us understand a legal thing. If the government falls and another government is not formed immediately, the legislature has two options: (1) Dissolution (2) What is called suspended animation. Dissolution means dissolving the legislature and holding fresh elections. Sedation means that the legislature does not meet, but membership remains. During President’s rule, if the Governor is in power, the parties will try to muster a majority to form a new government. If the Centre plays political chess, it takes time to wait for its majority. This time Indiraji wanted to buy time to bring Gujarat, which was till now in Babubhai’s independent environment, under emergency. Also, cracks appeared in the ruling Congress. There was no immediate majority. Madhav Singh, Kantilal Ghiya, Ratubhai did not agree. Hitendrabhai resigned from the Congress organisation on 12 June 1975 and on 1 November, became the President of the ruling Congress.
Yaksha became the CM. But who would be the CM between him and Madhav Singh? That is why Indiraji ensured that a sufficient number of people were recruited in the ruling Congress.
Defection, corruption, emergency arrests and police rule to intimidate opposition MLAs were also in her name. The legislature was kept unconscious as a political tool. On the other hand, Governor’s rule led to large scale arrests. Babubhai caught hold of almost most of Jashbhai’s ministers. Babubhai Jashbhai was caught on 9 August 1975. Many leaders of the Organisation Congress, Jan Sangh
He was put in jail. Those from other parties were also caught. But the members of Babubhai’s cabinet did not budge.
‘Guest Chief Minister’ Madhav Singh 1976 was about to end. With the weapons of saam, daam, dand, bhed, a large number of MLAs were joining the ruling Congress. By December, the number of MLAs of the ruling Congress had reached 104. There were two contenders for the post of Chief Minister: Madhav Singh Solanki and Hitendra Desai. Finally, on 23 December 1976, one had to be chosen between the two elephants. Hitendra Desai became the Home Minister and Madhav Singh Solanki took over the post of Chief Minister. On 24 December 1976, Madhav Singh Solanki’s government came into existence. But it lasted for a very short time.
The story that started from Gandhinagar now turns a little towards Delhi, then in January 1977 Indiraji resolved the crisis and dissolved the Lok Sabha and announced to hold elections in March. The date of voting was 16 to 20 March. Morarji Desai, Advani, Bajpayee etc. were left out. Jayaprakash left early due to ill health. Indiraji’s calculation was also correct that if the opposition leaders are in jail, then they cannot prepare for the elections… but Indira’s calculation was wrong.
Morarji in Delhi, Babubhai in Gujarat In 1977, Sanstha Congress, Jansangh, Swatantra Party and Samajwadi Party formed Janata Morcha against Indira. Elections were held. The result came. Indiraji lost the election from Rae Bareli. Lost badly. Her ruling Congress got only 153 seats, while Sama Party led by Jayaprakash Narayan, Kripalani, Morarji Desai got 271 seats, CDS Party of Jagjivan Ram got 27 seats, Communist Party got 22 seats, Akali Party got 8 and others got 24 seats, in total Janata Party got 352 seats. Morarji Desai finally became the Prime Minister among the famous names of Chaudhary Charan Singh and Jagjivan Ram. Now the Janata Morcha government was on the throne of Delhi.
There is a basic principle of politics. Salute to whoever is in power. Madhav Singh’s government in Gandhinagar came under crisis from Morarji Desai’s government in Delhi. While the Janata Morcha government became strong at the center, Madhav Singh Solanki’s ruling Congress in Gujarat became weak. Madhav Singh Solanki’s government came into minority. Madhav Singh Solanki finally submitted his resignation to the Governor on 8 April. Babubhai Jashbhai Patel formed his cabinet on 11 April. Babubhai included the original allies in his first cabinet of 1975.
Babubhai’s rule lasted till 1980. Issues like Machhu water disaster in Morbi in 1979, price hike were very difficult and challenging for Babubhai.
Rise of Bharatiya Janata Party After the fall of the Government of India on 22 August 1979, the then President Neelam Sanjiva Reddy dissolved the Lok Sabha and announced elections in December. Out of 525 seats, Congress got 353, Janata Party 31, Janata Party (Secular) 41 and other parties and independent candidates got 100 seats. Then Indira Gandhi took over the reins of power. On 17-02-1980 Babubhai’s cabinet was dismissed and the assembly was dissolved and President’s rule was declared in Gujarat. On 6 April 1980, Jansangh separated from Janata Party and its name was changed to Bharatiya Janata Party.
Assembly elections were held in June 1980. Janata Party and BJP suffered a crushing defeat. Indira Congress got 141 seats. Madhav Singh Solanki became the Chief Minister. The cabinet was formed on 7-08-1980. Thus Madhav Singh’s government was formed in Gujarat.
Reservation Movement
There is a lot of trouble in Gujarat. A house has been set on fire in Dabargarwad, Ahmedabad. Eight people were burnt to ashes. As a result, 23 more houses caught fire. In this situation, a Vishwakavi comes to Vadilal Hospital to treat the injured. Appeals for peace. The crowd goes wild. The crowd pushes Vishwakavi and says, ‘Are you appealing for peace?’ and tears his clothes. The world poet replies: ‘If my sacrifice brings peace, I am ready to sacrifice myself.’ The crowd disperses.
That was the fire of the reservation movement. And in this movement, the spirit of world brotherhood awakened by poet Umashankar Joshi was burnt to ashes.. Chandrakant Bakshi had written in ‘Janmabhoomi’ at that time, ‘The beginning of 1981 was not good for Gujarat. Again the same bloodshed and fire games, police and tear gas, army and firing, again the same frenzy, but this time the color of the fire is Kalayo and the artists on the road are performing a play whose name is? Let’s play Reserve Reserve!’
The decade of 1980 was written in the political history of Gujarat in the name of Madhav Singh. Madhav Singh was a clever prince. A learned personality. From world politics to world literature. First joined the cabinet of Dr. Jivraaj Mehta as a deputy minister in 1962. Became a cabinet level minister in the Ghanshyam Ojha government. He also served as the President of Gujarat Congress Committee.
Initially he worked in a leading newspaper at a salary of Rs 80. On this day in the year 1980, he ascended the throne of Gujarat.
In Madhav Singh’s cabinet, Sanat Mehta was entrusted with the charge of finance account. Prabodh Rawal was entrusted with the accounts of the House. There were complaints of dissatisfaction in Madhav Singh’s government as well. A new political movement started in early 1981. If we investigate the reasons for this movement, in the year 1974, the central government suggested the states to arrange seats for Scheduled Castes or Scheduled Tribes at the postgraduate level in medical colleges. Earlier, 7+13 percent i.e. 20 percent reserved seats were kept. In July 1980, Madhav Singh’s government announced the decision of Bakshi Panch in 1976 to provide 5 percent for 82 socially and educationally backward castes.
Reserved seats were introduced. Thus the reserved seats became 25 percent in total.
When there were not enough backward class students for the reserved seats, the carry forward system was announced. This system caused discontent among the upper caste students. On 31 August 1980, the students submitted their applications. On 9 June 1981, the government was forced to cancel the carry forward system. This angered the backward class students. On the other hand, the upper caste students protested. Communal fire spread.
KHAM Theory bomb blast In the 1980 cabinet, Madhav Singh did not appoint any Patidar in the cabinet. Discontent against Madhav Singh was growing. ‘KHAM Theory’ was also controversial. KHAM includes K for Kshatriya, H for Harijan, A for Adivasi, M for Muslim. This theory, the brainchild of Jinabhai Darji-Sanat Mehta and Madhav Singh Solanki, promoted class division. Madhavsinh Solanki says, “I am not the creator of Kham theory, but Sanat Mehta and Jinabhai Darji may deny this, but many political analysts consider Jinabhai Darji as the originator of Kham theory. The origin of this theory can be debated, but it is an undeniable fact that this theory has deeply poisoned the harmonious atmosphere of Gujarat.
In the year 1981, Gujarat was devastated by a terrible storm in June. After the 1980 elections, the groups of Madhavsinh and Ratubhai Adani turned against each other. After the death of Maldevji Odedara, Mahant Vijaydasji became the President of the Gujarat Congress Party. Ratubhai Adani broke away from the Congress in 1982 and founded the National Congress.
Now Madhavsinh, the indomitable player of politics, made a move…what did he do? In 1978, the percentage of Bakshi Panch was increased to 10 percent reservation, thus the next 21 plus 10 i.e. a total of 31 percent reservation. This percentage was decided during Babubhai’s tenure in the Janata government. According to Justice Bakshi’s recommendation, 82 communities other than Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes got many benefits of reservation. But on 20 April 1981, another commission was appointed on socially and educationally backward classes. It was headed by retired judge of Gujarat High Court C. V. Rane. This commission submitted its report on 31 October 1983. It made two main recommendations. One, apart from Bakshi Panch, 63 other socially and educationally backward classes were made eligible for government benefits. The addition of 18 percent which was 31 percent in addition to Bakshi Panch. (Total 49 percent was considered as reserve). A total limit of Rs 10,000 per year was fixed for these benefits.
Solanki knew how useful this report would be in the upcoming elections. After suppressing the report for fourteen months, as soon as the Gujarat Assembly elections were announced in March 1985, he announced to increase the reservation percentage on 10 January 1985. But Madhav Singh ignored the financial limit set by the Economic Commission and as a result any rich person became entitled to benefit from it. This was part of the election strategy. It was an extension of the Kham principle. Because in this, other castes of Bakshi Panch were also included as backward classes.
The record of Madhav Singh’s victory in Gujarat still stands, it had a direct impact on the 1985 elections. In the March 1985 elections, for the first time in the history of Gujarat, Congress won a record 149 seats. No Chief Minister has got such a big victory in Gujarat. This was an unprecedented result in the political history of Gujarat. Madhav Singh Solanki became the Chief Minister of Gujarat for the third time by winning with a lead of 41 thousand votes. He took oath as Chief Minister on 11 March 1985. After Indira’s political assassination, in the Gujarat Assembly elections of 1985 and the Lok Sabha elections of 1984, Congress won more seats, which is an indication of the high graph of Congress’s popularity.
Lohiawadi Reservation Movement Madhav Singh Solanki implemented the Girl Education Scheme, Mid-Day Meal Scheme in Gujarat, which received a very good response. But with this, the anti-reservation movement started in Gujarat. The whole of Gujarat was engulfed in flames. Such a dire situation had arisen that people started fearing whether the person who went out to work in the morning would return home or not. A wall of hatred and suspicion was erected between Hindus and Muslims. There were many incidents of throwing country-made bombs on each other’s houses, throwing burning bricks, attacking each other with weapons and especially stabbing each other with knives. Schools and colleges had to be completely closed. Many areas were hit by curfew. Due to curfew, people imprisoned in their homes remained without food grains, milk and vegetables, fell ill.
People started dying due to lack of treatment. Julio Ribeiro was appointed Gujarat Police Chief to control the riots in reservation.
And Madhav Singh’s government was gone… Due to the reservation movement, Madhav Singh resigned on 6 July 1985. Just four months after assuming power! After Madhav Singh came Amar Singh Chaudhary. The first tribal Chief Minister of Gujarat. 18 Amar Singh Chaudhary becoming the Chief Minister was unimaginable for many people, but Amar Singh’s government took many commendable and firm decisions. First of all, Madhav Singh’s government suspended the 18 percent hike. The movement that had engulfed the whole of Gujarat finally ended after 190 days. The movement of government employees ended. This movement lasted for 73 days. An important decision was to cancel the recognition of the police union. In 1979, Babubhai’s government recognized Sangh activity in the police force, which led to serious indiscipline. Deciding the validity of this union was a legally binding task. Second, the pension bill for MLAs was passed in the legislature in 1984 during Madhav Singh’s tenure. According to Amar Singh, this step was anti-national. Its rules were not made efficiently. Amar Singh’s role in the pension scheme could not be implemented till 1990. Gujarat faced drought for two years from 85 to 87. During this period, Amar Singh’s cabinet worked tirelessly. Amar Singh took over the command Of course, along with these achievements, Amar Singh also had some administrative shortcomings. Within a month and a half of Amar Singh taking over as Chief Minister, the reservation movement and the civil service movement came to a complete halt, but at the end of the agreement, the government gave all the salaries to the civil servants. This created a false alarm. The government considered abolishing octroi and imposing entry tax, but the traders went on strike. The government seemed to bow down. Despite the discount in electricity bills, the farmers’ movement continues. The strike of the electricity board employees ended, but this increased the burden by Rs 17 crore. The state’s debt increased, taxes on the public increased, inflation increased. The law and order situation deteriorated. MLA Popat Sorathia was murdered in Gondal on Independence Day in 1988, former Wankaner MLA Manzoor Hussain Pirzada was killed in a bomb blast in July 1987, Health Minister Vallabhbhai Patel was killed in 1989.
The Hindutva agenda led the BJP to victory and if something new is happening in Delhi, its echo is also heard in Gujarat. Rajiv Gandhi took away the account of funds from V.P. Singh and handed over the defense account. V.P. Singh was angry. After resigning from the Congress, he formed his own party Jan Morcha. Praveen Singh Jadeja of Bhavnagar took over the command of this Jan Morcha of V.P. Singh in Gujarat. On 26 July 1988, four parties in India namely Janata Paksha, Jan Morcha, Lok Dal and Congress (S) merged to form Janata Dal. Chimanbhai Patel was its president.
In the Lok Sabha elections in December 1989, BJP achieved an unprecedented victory. After capturing just two seats in 1984, BJP won 86 seats in this election. Out of 26 Lok Sabha seats in Gujarat, BJP won 12, Janata Dal won 11 and Congress won only three.
So what worked? There is a well-known and well-known reason: In the period 1985-1990, BJP started wooing voters by writing a chapter on Hindutva. Through religious issues, rallies, padyatras, Hindu programs like Advani’s Rath Yatra, Ram Mandir, BJP gained an edge in the eyes of majority Hindus. Congress’s image as a party doing politics of Muslim appeasement and BJP’s image as a party of Hindus started emerging. The result was that BJP came closer to power. Congress’s traditional vote bank disintegrated due to BJP’s Hindutva card in Gujarat. Apart from Muslims, Kshatriyas, Dalits, Adivasis were inclined towards BJP. The caste equation of Kham theory collapsed.
Then, taking responsibility for the moral defeat of the crushing defeat in the 1989 Lok Sabha elections, Madhav Singh resigned. The question of who would be the Chief Minister of Gujarat after Amar Singh arose again. Three names were discussed: Harisingh Mahida, Mahant Vijaydasji and Assembly Speaker Natwarlal Shah. Oil came from Delhi. Newspapers fueled speculations of Natwarlal becoming the Chief Minister. But Madhav Singh, a close relative of Rajiv Gandhi. Proximity to Rajiv Gandhi also brought Madhav Singh to the Rajya Sabha. The picture became clear: Natwarlal Shah was removed and Madhav Singh took oath as the Chief Minister of Gujarat for the fourth time. Madhav Singh, who became the Chief Minister on 13 December 1989, took charge of Gujarat as Chief Minister till 3 March 1990.
Madhav Singh became the Chief Minister, but there was internal opposition from the party! Nehru Centenary Committee Delhi’s Executive President Hitendra Desai resigned, Narmada Nigam Sanat Mehta and Gujarat Electricity Board Chairman Jaswant Mehta both resigned from the post of Chairman. Of course, then both of them withdrew their resignation except Hitendrabhai.
V.P. Singh at the Centre, Madhav Singh in Gujarat The Lok Sabha elections were over in 1989 when the bells started ringing for the Gujarat Assembly elections. On 20 December 1989, the National Front government was formed in India and Vishwanath Pratap Singh became the Prime Minister. As mentioned earlier, after its results, Madhav Singh replaced Amar Singh Chaudhary as the Chief Minister. General elections for the Central Pondicherry Assembly were held on 27 February 1990 in nine states of India including Gujarat.
ue.
There was a lot of internal strife in the Gujarat Assembly Congress Party. Rajiv Gandhi remained the Congress President at the Indian level, but his talent was diminished. Chimanbhai Patel was the leader of Gujarat in the Janata Dal Party and Keshubhai Patel of BJP was leading. Congress contested all the seats. Former Chief Minister Babubhai Jashbhai Patel contested from Lokswaraj Manch. BJP was supporting him.
The election results of the Janata Dal-BJP mixed government were as follows: Janata Dal 70, BJP 67, Congress 33, Lokswaraj Manch 01, Yuva Vikas Paksha 01 and Independents 10. In this election Amar Singh lost, former Assembly Speaker and Congress President Natwarlal Shah lost, Prabodh Rawal lost. All the veteran leaders lost except Madhav Singh. He was elected for the eighth time. After this Madhav Singh resigned from the Gujarat Assembly and continued in the Rajya Sabha Delhi. Now the question arose as to who would be the Chief Minister? Former Chief Minister Babubhai Patel was elected. His wish to become the Chief Minister was fulfilled. His Lokswarajya Manch had only one membership. Naturally, Babubhai’s attitude of emphasising on simplicity surprises many!
Eventually in 1974, the Navnirman movement removed Chimanbhai from the post of Chief Minister, but the same Chimanbhai took charge of Gujarat again in 1990. With the support of BJP. Suresh Mehta of the then BJP was given the Urban Development Account to Vajubhai Vala.
When Mohansingh Rathwa, who recently joined BJP, was elected from Janata Dal, he was given the Panchayat Account. C.D. Patel was given independent charge of the Home Ministry. Keshubhai Patel’s wish to become Deputy Chief Minister was fulfilled, but Chimanbhai did not let Keshubhai’s wish come true. Saying that Keshubhai Patel is my close associate, the Narmada Water Resources Account was seized and the entire chain of power was placed in his hands.
This was a coalition government of Janata Dal and BJP. Both are parties standing on different lines. While the BJP has its roots in the RSS, the Janata Dal has its roots in the Congress, which claims to be rooted in secular ideology. In this situation, running a government with a strength of 70 plus 67 was not an easy feat.
We have already seen how the fire of the Mandal Commission echoed in Delhi in Gandhinagar. In 1989, Devi Lal of Haryana became the Deputy Prime Minister in V.P. Singh’s government. V.P. Singh’s ambition of becoming the Prime Minister came in the way of V.P. Singh. As a result, a wall of differences arose between V.P. Singh and Devi Lal. V.P. Singh removed Devi Lal from the post of Deputy Prime Minister. Chimanbhai Patel was a supporter of Devi Lal. As soon as Devi Lal was removed from the post of Deputy Prime Minister, Chimanbhai announced a rally in Delhi. Chimanbhai had earlier held a rally in support of the Narmada Dam in Delhi in May in front of Baba Amte’s anti-Narmada rally.
Chimanbhai was in the mood to hold another rally. To sabotage the rally organised in support of V. Devi Lal, P. Singh made a dangerous move. Accepting the Mandal Commission recommendations, the seats reserved for Dalits and Adivasis were increased from 22.5 per cent to 27 per cent. The Government of India announced that the states could implement this percentage only if they wished. But then a survey of India’s universally backward population coming within this percentage put pressure on the states to implement a percentage of reservation. As a result all opportunities would go to backward class students and upper class students would be unemployed, creating a bloody situation of upper vs backward. There was rioting. There was fire. There was self-destruction. Finally this seat increase was cancelled after an appeal in the Supreme Court. The state of Gujarat did not accept this seat increase. A Mandal Commission was appointed in the year 1977 during the Morarji Desai government. The report came in December 1980. But Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi did not implement it. BJP’s Rath Yatra and Communal Riots On 25 September 1990, Advani started his Rath Yatra from Somnath to Ayodhya. However, Chimanbhai-Janata Dal, which was running the government with the support of BJP, kept a distance from this Rath Yatra. Due to the Rath Yatra, communal riots broke out all over Gujarat. Curfew had to be imposed in places like Vadodara, Godhra, Ahmedabad, Palanpur etc. Advani’s Rath Yatra was stopped in Bihar. Advani was arrested. BJP withdrew its support from the National Front government.
In Gujarat also, BJP ministers resigned from the Chimanbhai government. Chimanbhai got the support of Rajiv Gandhi and he got the support of Congress and proved his majority in the assembly. 70 votes of Janata Dal, 32 of Congress and 112 votes of independent members were cast in favor of Chimanbhai. After the resignation of V. P. Singh, Chandrashekhar’s government was formed at the Center. Like Congress, Janata Dal also split into two parts: V. P. Singh’s Janata Dal and Chandrashekhar’s Janata Dal (S). Janata Dal minister in Gujarat Praveen Singh Jadeja was a V.P. Singh supporter. As a result, a conflict situation arose between Chimanbhai and Praveen Singh. Praveen Singh resigned. On the other hand, Chimanbhai played such a game that despite being a Chandrashekhar supporter, he did not associate the name of his faction with Janata Dal (S). On the other hand, V.P. Singh’s Janata Dal president S.R. Bommai expelled Chimanbhai from the party saying that he was a Chandrashekhar supporter. After Chandrashekhar resigned, Chimanbhai founded Janata Dal Gujarat.
Later this party merged with Congress and Chimanbhai became the Chief Minister.
One view is that the Madhav Singh Solanki-Jinabhai Darji group was not happy with Chimanbhai Patel’s entry into the Congress. Ahmed Patel welcomed the merger. When the Central Executive was elected, Ahmed Patel became a minister at the national level. Chimanbhai supported Ahmed Patel. Chimanbhai remained the Chief Minister of Gujarat till 1994. Chimanbhai died of a heart attack on 17-02-1994. Prime Minister Narasimha Rao and other Maudis were present from Delhi at his funeral.
It is said that during the 1994 Rajya Sabha elections, Chimanbhai had made a strategy to make three candidates win. One was Madhav Singh Solanki, Raju Parmar and Jayantilal Shah. He was determined to make these three BJP candidates win even by cross voting. The chess pieces were arranged properly, but the game was such that Chimanbhai was constantly under stress. On the eve of the election, his health deteriorated due to extreme stress. He was hospitalised for treatment, but died tragically due to high blood pressure. Rajya Sabha elections postponed. Madhav Singh and Raju Parmar were elected. Jayantilal Shah lost. Had Chimanbhai been there, he would have won. This is proof of how strong a grip one man had on Gujarat politics.
Nakhshik Politician Chimanbhai Patel Chimanbhai is a shrewd character in Gujarat politics. He could walk in front of Indira. He could rally in Delhi for the Narmada project against the wishes of the Centre. Chimanbhai was a strange player in politics. He had two faces. He is also cunning and opportunist. Sometimes he takes the help of BJP for power and sometimes he takes the help of Congress for power. Porbandar to Ahmedabad Su
Chimanbhai can be accused of criminalising politics by promoting the bloated mafia rule. He can also be accused of grabbing power by hook or by crook by doing politics of convenience instead of principles. In 1991-92, Chimanbhai Patel created two deputy chief minister posts in Gujarat. One was: Narhari Amin and the other was C.D. Patel. Chimanbhai was probably the first experiment of two deputy chief ministers in the whole of India. Chimanbhai and C.D. Patel have a case in point: Chimanbhai, due to differences, took the household accounts from C.D. Patel. When C.D. Patel resigned, Chimanbhai went to his bungalow and celebrated. But C.D. Patel was firm on his decision. This occasion proves that the power-loving Chimanbhai was a true man who challenged the power for principle.
Ghanshyam Ojha used to call Chimanbhai, who started projects like Sardar Sarovar Bandh, ‘the satirist of corruption’.
Gujarat’s high voltage drama Chimanbhai can be summarized in one sentence: A powerful and clever politician who weakened Gandhi’s values for power! After Chimanbhai’s death, Chibildas Mehta’s post of Chief Minister fell vacant.
The most controversial chapter of Gujarat politics: The chair went away in the absence of CM, how did Narendra Modi get up?
2 years ago
Author: Vikram Mehta
Mahadev’s temple in Vasan village near Gandhinagar. Many dissatisfied MLAs from the then government have gathered here. This camp has become a topic of politics not only in Gujarat but also in the center. The title of Ramanlal Desai’s classic novel is: ‘Bharelo Agni’. This is the situation. Everyone’s eyes are on this camp. Now the caravan moves towards Charda village. In a tense situation, this convoy under police protection turns in a different direction from Charda. The MLAs who follow the instructions from above are unaware. There is mystery, thrill, comedy. Finally the convoy reaches Ahmedabad airport. Damania Airlines’ plane is waiting for them. Everyone is seated in a hurry. The doors of the plane are closed. The stairs are removed. The air hostess announces on the microphone: Our plane is flying from Ahmedabad to Khajuraho! Here the plane flies towards Khajuraho and Keshubhai Patel says: Shankar Singh has stabbed me in the back!
Flashback… Elections were announced in the year 1995. A chapter of internal strife began in BJP. Shankarsinh Vaghela, Kashiram Rana and other MPs also announced to contest the assembly elections. Keshubhai did not like this at all. The central leadership issued a decree: MPs cannot contest the assembly elections! This kind of instruction was clearly proving that the party high command wants to make Keshubhai the Chief Minister. Shankar Singh and Keshubhai were not given tickets. There was a conflict in the parliamentary board on the issue of tickets. Every leader is adamant on giving the ticket to his own man.
Then came another announcement: the leader of the assembly party would be chosen from among the elected MLAs. Shankar Singh’s tenure as chief minister was cut short from the start. Dilip Parikh from Dhandhuka constituency, who recently ended his 32-year tenure with the BJP, was chosen for the Jayanarayan Vyas Sidhpur seat. The Hindutva atmosphere was fresh. Crowds of monks were coming to Gujarat from across the country. After coming to Gujarat, Sadhvi Uma Bharti was creating a pro-BJP atmosphere by giving speeches in her aggressive style.
The result was out. The BJP, which had won 11 seats in Gujarat in 1985, created history by winning 121 out of 182 seats. From Rath Yatra, Ram Mandir, Babri demolition to raising issues of gangsters like Abdul Latif, the BJP became a messiah among the majority Hindu voters. Gujarat was the laboratory test of Hindutva. This is what happened in Gujarat.
Atal Bihari Vajpayee came from Delhi and was tasting the fruits of Hindutva politics.
Shankar Singh vs Narendra Modi A meeting of elected BJP MLAs was held in Gandhinagar Town Hall. Atal Bihari Vajpayee came from Delhi. Keshubhai was unanimously elected as the party leader. He gave a thank you speech in his Kathiyawadi Talpadi style. He talked about the government’s next plan. Someone asked: Where will the money for this come from? The answer came from Gondal like whole chilli pakoras, ‘From your father’s stable.’ Vajpayee ji was looking at Keshubhai! Keshubhai took oath as the Chief Minister. On 14 March 1995, the second round of cabinet formation began. Senior party leaders Shankarsinh Vaghela, Suresh Mehta, Kashiram Rana, Chimanbhai Shukla and Narendra Modi met. Each leader kept his pronounceable name. The game of Shankar Singh vs Narendra Modi was also played in this election. Both of them were together on a scooter once and played an important role in strengthening the roots of BJP. Both are close friends. Both are very ambitious. Both have their eyes on the throne of power. Both recognized each other. Both soon realized that if there is any chance to get the chair of Chief Minister in future, then this is it. Both of them cut each other’s cards through the back door. It is being said in political circles that Narendra Modi played the role of a mastermind through the back door in persuading the central Movadi Mandal to remove Shankar Singh from the post of Chief Minister. Keshubhai’s government was formed. But what is the politics of all things? Shankar Singh’s desire to become the Chief Minister was not over yet. He wanted to remove the thorn of Keshubhai and Narendra Modi. Murmurs started among the BJP MLAs. If you want to meet Keshubhai, then you should call the MLAs of the party.
Such a situation arose that we had to wait for years.’
Once Vitthalbhai Shah, MLA from Dehgam area, came with some workers to put forth his views on the issue of electricity. Despite waiting for four-five hours, Keshubhai did not call. He went to Shankar Singh. Complaint against Keshubhai. Such small questions started arising. Dissatisfied MLAs would come to Shankar Singh and thrash Rao. Two factions were now emerging in the BJP: Keshubhai’s faction and Shankar Singh’s faction, who were dissatisfied with Keshubhai. On 17 September 1995, ‘Paksha Bachao Andolan’ was also started under the leadership of Dr. Mukul Shah. Show cause notices were issued to the members involved in the movement, some were expelled from the party.
On one hand, Narendra Modi was becoming the super CM in Keshubhai’s government, on the other hand, the power of VHP leader Praveen Togadia was increasing. Outside the residences of both, rows of government cars with red lights of IAS-IPS officers started forming. The ambition for power in the future was to create a rift between Narendra Modi and Praveen Togadia. But now Narendra Modi-Praveen Togadia were one.
On the other hand, Shankar Singh-Kashiram Rana were being ignored. Once Advani had a meeting. It is said that Shankar Singh was to give the welcome speech in the meeting, but it is said that Narendra Modi himself insisted on giving the welcome speech. Keshubhai’s government had been in power for five-six months. Meanwhile, a delegation of Chief Minister and second-in-command Suresh Mehta, other ministers and some high officials were preparing to go to England and America. A twenty-one-day travel program was decided. Due to internal dissatisfaction in the party, suggestions also came to cancel such a long foreign tour, but they were ignored. Ashok Bhatt took over as the acting Chief Minister and Keshubhai’s caravan left for America.
Keshubhai went to America and lost the chair! Here Keshubhai went to America and with this Shankar Singh carried out the much talked about ‘Khajuraho incident’ in Gujarat politics. After reaching Khajuraho, all the MLAs were lodged in the famous ‘Chandela Hotel’ there. The MLAs gathered for lunch at the hotel in Khajuraho. After lunch, the MLAs should do activities according to their interest like relaxation, reading, swimming, chess, table tennis. As soon as the news spread that a rebel group of MLAs from Gujarat has arrived, a crowd of local BJP workers started gathering. Journalists from all over the world were coming to Chandela and interviewing him. One day Dilip Parikh was swimming in the swimming pool. His head was out. A journalist took a photo. This picture was published in newspapers across the country. A leading English newspaper published this picture on the front page and gave the headline: ‘Rest in Khajuraho’.
‘Khajuria’ and ‘Hajuria’ The rebellion of Gujarat BJP was becoming a debate in the country’s politics and was proving to be a black spot on the credibility of disciplined BJP. Mowadi Mandal started running away. One after another national leaders reached to meet the rebel MLAs. Uma Bharti ji came. Kushabhau Thackeray came. In Khajuraho, the game of economic inducement is also being played to break the MLAs. It was told that two-four people had reached another hotel in Khajuraho with bags full of money from Ahmedabad. The disgruntled MLAs got scared.
Meanwhile, in Gandhinagar, the pressure on Shankar Singh to compromise was increasing. Pramod Mahajan, K.L. Sharma, Bhairav Singh Shekhawat, Jaswant Singh and finally Atal Bihari Vajpayee met Shankar Singh on 5 October 1995. To save the image of the party from getting tarnished, to save the government from falling, Atal Bihari Vajpayee put forward a formula in front of Shankar Singh: Keshubhai should be made the Chief Minister, Shankar Singh Vaghela should be made the Deputy Chief Minister.
Kashiram Rana was made the Gujarat party president.
Keshubhai and staunch BJP supporters protested. Reaction came from Khajuraho: Keshubhai Patel should not become the Chief Minister under any circumstances!
Shankar Singh received a message from Atal Bihari Vajpayee. Both Shankar Singh and Vajpayee were teary-eyed. Vajpayee said: Get ready. Your point has been accepted. Call back the Khajuraho MLAs.
The telephone rang at the Chandela Hotel: Get ready. A Damania Airways plane is coming to pick you up. Late night on 6 October 1995, a plane carrying the disgruntled MLAs from Khajuraho landed at the Ahmedabad airport. All the MLAs were happy and excited. They were eager to meet family members.
The next morning a meeting was held between the MLAs and Atal Bihari Vajpayee. The MLAs presented their party, in which the main demand was to remove Keshubhai and make Shankar Singh Vaghela the Chief Minister in his place. Apart from this, taking back the members expelled from the party due to indiscipline, including 50 percent members of Shankar Singh group in the new cabinet, including the remaining members in boards or corporations…
This demand and formula of the disgruntled MLAs was discussed a lot. Finally, it was decided that a third person would be chosen as the Chief Minister in place of Keshubhai and Shankar Singh. Kashiram Rana’s name was prominent. Vajpayee assured to give place in the cabinet and boards and corporations to one-third of the Shankar Singh group. Who is the Chief Minister after Keshubhai? This question was difficult. Because Keshubhai remained adamant on not resigning till the end. The condition of resignation was put forward only if Suresh Mehta was made the Chief Minister by Keshubhai. Shankar Singh group agreed on the name of Suresh Mehta. However, the staunch members of the Sangh group of BJP did not like this arrangement. Debate with Atal ji
The crowd ran, but Atal ji was firm. The crowd raised obscene slogans outside the VIP guesthouse.
Finally, Keshubhai resigned on 21 October 1995 and the swearing-in ceremony was held at Gandhinagar Town Hall. Suresh Mehta took oath as the Chief Minister. Apology has no existence in the dictionary of politics. Shankar Singh was well aware that Narendra Modi’s presence in Gujarat was dangerous for him in the future. Under Shankar Singh’s pressure, Narendra Modi was removed from the Gujarat organization and sent to Delhi as General Secretary. Of course, Narendra Modi’s eyes, ears and mind remained focused on Gujarat politics. Most of the MLAs in Suresh Mehta’s cabinet were from Shankar Singh’s faction. Suresh Mehta was not happy with this thing deep inside but was helpless.
VHP, RSS were still deprived of this clarification. There were factions in BJP. The MLAs of Shankar Singh faction who left Khajuraho were called ‘Khajuria’, the MLAs who stayed with the party were called ‘Hajuria’. Suresh Mehta was the CM, but the dominance was of Shankar Singh.
BJP Congress was held in Mumbai from 10 November to 12 November 1995. Senior leaders including Advani and Vajpayee were present. Shankar Singh was the center of attraction and a subject of curiosity in this conference. A section of BJP saw him as a person who raised his voice against the injustice of BJP.
An incident happened in this conference. A leaflet titled ‘What is the truth of the people of Gujarat?’ was distributed. There was a competition among the journalists to get it. This leaflet also reached the hands of Atalji, Advaniji and other leaders sitting on the stage. This leaflet gives a picture of what happened during the struggle period. Senior leaders were disappointed. The image of disciplined BJP was once again tarnished.
In the 1996 Lok Sabha elections, Atmaram Patel’s ‘Dhotiya scandal’ came up. Shankar Singh was given a ticket for the Lok Sabha elections. The result came. Shankar Singh and five companions lost. The role of party men, VHP-RSS is being held responsible for the defeat. BJP established itself as the largest party at the national level. It was necessary to obstruct the functioning of the government. Vajpayee was the leader of BJP. He put forth his claim for the post of Prime Minister. He became the Prime Minister, but only for thirteen days. He could not prove majority and had to resign. A felicitation ceremony was organized at Sardar Patel Stadium in Ahmedabad on 20 May 1996 to honor Vajpayee during his thirteen-day tenure as Prime Minister. The anti-Shankar Singh faction of BJP was eager to take revenge. And finally, after the ceremony was over, according to the set script, attacks on the leaders of Shankar Singh faction started. The most shameful incident occurred when Mavdi of Mehsana district and senior leader-minister Atmaram Patel was attacked. The attackers stooped to the last level. The old man’s clothes were pulled. They were run on the road. Atmaram Patel later said in anguish, ‘It would have been better if I had died!’ Apart from Atmaram Patel, Dattaji Chitranjandas was also attacked. After this hiccup incident, Khajuria and Bajhari groups used to shout slogans against each other in public functions and conferences. Where is that BJP whose discipline used to set an example in Indian politics like ‘Where is that of those who are proud of Hind’? Such a question was troubling the senior and conscientious workers who worked day and night for BJP Modis-BJP. (Later arrest warrants were issued against 39 people including VHP leader Praveen Togadia in the stadium incident.)
A team of Kushabhau Thakre and K.L. Sharma came from Delhi to find out who was responsible for the stadium scam.
Despite hearing the memorandum, the Shankar Singh faction did not take the required action against the people responsible. Shankar Singh criticized this operation and founded Gujarat Asmita Manch. Suresh Mehta was put in a very delicate situation. Interference in his administrative decisions increased. Before the impact of the stadium incident could subside, another political spark ignited. Kashiram Rana was removed from the post of Gujarat BJP President overnight and Vajubhai Vala was made the President in his place. Vajubhai Vala expelled Shankar Singh from the party as soon as he came to the post of President. There was an earthquake in Gujarat politics. As soon as he was expelled from the party, Shankar Singh Vaghela reacted strongly and announced to hold a huge rally at Ramlila Maidan on August 20. Shankar Singh said, in the rally, a demand will be made to investigate the dhoti incident that happened in the stadium and to file an FIR against the people responsible.
Shankar Singh Vaghela’s supporters took out a procession on August 10 against the dismissal notice received from Vajubhai Vala. Near the statue of Induchacha in front of Nehru Bridge in Ahmedabad, Shankar Singh scratched the notices and blew a lyre in the air. Shankar Singh had opened an open front against the BJP high command.
On August 20, a huge public meeting was organized at Ramlila Maidan. There was a huge voter turnout. Journalist friends from all over the country were present to cover this grand meeting. Shankar Singh gave a strong lecture in his unique style. The proposal to establish the Rashtriya Janata Party was passed. The MLAs of Shankar Singh faction withdrew their support from Suresh Mehta’s government. On the basis of the report of Governor Krishnapalji, the Central Government imposed President’s rule on 19 September 1996. On 20 October 1996, the Governor called the BJP to prove its majority, but the BJP did not participate in the proceedings.
Shankar Singh Vaghela’s ‘TanaTan Sarkar’ wire
On 23 October 1996, Shankar Singh Vaghela took oath as the Chief Minister. The BJP termed the government illegal and went to court. However, the court gave the verdict in favor of Shankar Singh. Shankar Singh and his cabinet were established. The Legislative Assembly was convened on 29 October and a vote of confidence was taken. BJP MLAs boycotted the assembly session, saying that this government is illegitimate. Shankar Singh won the vote of confidence very easily. Shankar Singh’s Rashtriya Janata Party’s ‘Tanatan Sarkar’ formed with the support of Congress was short-lived. The Rashtriya Janata Party government came into minority due to the withdrawal of support by Congress. Kimlop, Janata Parishad, Rashtriya Congress soon ended, but this did not happen in the case of Shankarsinh Vaghela’s RLP.
When Dilip Parikh became the Chief Minister, if we look at the reasons for the breakdown of the alliance between RLP and Congress, then there were small and big disputes in the alliance with Congress. There used to be differences and ego clashes between C.D. Patel, Amarsingh Chaudhary and Shankarsinh Vaghela even on small matters. Congress MLAs used to accuse Shankar Singh’s government of not getting the work done. On the other hand, mutual tussle has also started in the cabinet of RLP. Atmaram Patel, who was a staunch supporter of Shankar Singh, wanted to become the Chief Minister. In Delhi, amidst media representatives, Atmaram declared himself a contender for the post of Chief Minister.
Gujarat Congress Legislative Party leader Amar Singh handed over a letter to the Governor withdrawing support to the RLP government. In this letter, Congress has expressed displeasure over the working methods of Chief Minister Shankar Singh. Congress did not want to make Shankar Singh the Chief Minister. The condition laid down: If any other leader is elected Chief Minister in place of Shankar Singh, then we will continue to support. In the meeting of RLP MLAs, Dilip Parikh’s name was decided as the Chief Minister and on 28 October 1997, Dilip Parikh was sworn in as Chief Minister in the shamiana built in the Raj Bhavan. On 13-11-1997, he received the vote of confidence and formed the cabinet. While the government formed in October remained stable, a new turn came in December. Congress withdrew its support from the Gujral government at the Center. At that time Sitaram Kesri was the President of the Congress. The Gujral government was removed from the Center. Mid-term elections of the Lok Sabha were coming. Can this political flow remain without affecting Gujarat?
On 24 December, a meeting of Chief Minister Dilip Parikh and the cabinet was held in Kevadia Colony. In the meeting, as per the suggestion of Shankar Singh, it was decided to resign from the government after the situation in Delhi. Dilip Parikh and the then Home Minister Vipul Chaudhary reached Gandhinagar by helicopter. They submitted the government’s resignation to the Governor and demanded that the Gujarat Assembly elections be held along with the Lok Sabha. It is natural for the allied political parties to be upset by this. Congress opposed the resignation of RLSP. Gujarat State Congress President C.D. Patel and MLA Congress Party leader Amar Singh Chaudhary reached Raj Bhavan and discussed with the Governor. They demanded not to accept the proposal of RLSP. But the Governor accepted the resignation and declared the Dilip Parikh government as a caretaker government.
In the 1998 elections, the Vajpayee government lost in just 13 days. RLSP and Congress did not come together due to lack of consensus in the meetings. On one side was Congress, on the other side was BJP and on the third side was RLSP, this time there was a triangular fight in Gujarat. Juwal was a BJP supporter. When the results came, this picture emerged: No political party got a clear majority in the Lok Sabha elections. At the center, BJP defeated Jayalalitha’s AIADMK party, Paw
With the support of Akali Dal of B.C., Biju Janata Dal party of Orissa, Shiv Sena of Maharashtra, Chandrababu Naidu’s TDP party of Andhra Pradesh, Bahujan Party of UP and Atal Bihari Vajpayee, he formed the government. Whose government fell in just thirteen days, he again occupied the throne of Delhi.
Here in Gujarat, RLD got only four seats, Congress got only 53 seats. BJP formed the government by getting 117 seats. Keshubhai Patel again became the Chief Minister of Gujarat.
The earthquake in Kutch in 2001 has claimed countless human lives. The earthquake in Gujarat has shaken the foundations of politics as well. Keshubhai’s government has started tottering. A cloaked man enters the office of a famous English magazine in Delhi. He has some documents-files in his hand. Knocking the door of the editor’s cabin, Kura enters the room and shows the documents in his hand to the editor. The documents contain details that prove the incompetence of the Keshubhai government. It details the administrative inadequacy displayed in the Kutch earthquake. The man insists that these details be published in the magazine. The editor’s experienced eye understands that the main intention is to topple Keshubhai’s government. The editor has mentioned this incident while writing his memoirs ‘Editor Unplugged: Media, Magnets, Networks and Me’.
This editor is the face of English journalism. Vinod Mehta. And that brother is Narendra Damodardas Modi! Vinod Mehta is no longer alive, but that man has become synonymous with Indian politics today. Surpassing a fire tragedy like the Godhra incident, that man has become a superstar of Indian politics today. You can love him or hate him but you cannot ignore him!
The Narendra Modi era Narendra Modi became CM by removing Keshubhai. My hat-trick. He was involved in Gujarat politics for three terms. He made the record of the longest tenure in his name. Then the size kept increasing. The Movadi Mandal fell in love but could not ignore it. CM Modi became PM Modi. Venue changed from Gandhinagar to Delhi. After Narendra Modi, Anandiben, Vijay Rupani and then Bhupendra Patel.. Gujarat has seen three faces as CMs… The faces of CMs have changed, but even today the only face asking for votes for Gujarat is Narendra Modi!
A lot has happened between Narendra Modi and Bhupendra Patel. From the burning of Sabarmati bin in Signal Palia in Godhra to the fire spreading from GMDC ground in Ahmedabad to Patidar reserve, incidents have reduced. Gujarat has also seen vibrant festivals and tearing of papers in these two decades. From Hardik Patel, Jignesh Mevani to Gopal Italia, Isudan Gadhvi, Gujarat has seen young faces entering politics and raising the slogan of rebellion against the system-government. A lot has changed in Gujarat politics and a lot has remained the same! (end) (Google translation from Gujarati, see Gujarati on controversy)
